1) SOCIAL POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The forms of organization and leadership of the indigenous groups of the Yuman linguistic family in Baja California can be established over time in four historic periods: late prehistoric or "just before contact" [17th and 18th centuries]; the mission period [18th-19th century]; the ranch period [19th -20th centuries]; and the contemporary period [20th century].

During the first of these periods, before contact with western cultures through Hispanic penetration, indigenous groups were structured in patrilineal bands with cultures based on seasonal nomadism. These were formed into clans or shimul, each of which had exclusive use of a traditional territory and of the resources it contained. Depending on the resources and circumstances these bands could be reduced to the size of a single family or broaden to become macrobands. In all cases, male leadership appears to be based on the capacity to provide resources to the family or families brought together, as well as to organize warriors in case of intra or inter group warfare.
The first form of leadership was probably held in life tenure (not through physical death but rather until incapacity) and hereditary; the second form was temporary, and it is possible that depending on the characteristics of the struggle and the participants, some type of consensus would be reached to determine who would be leader, also taken into consideration would be collective memory, past victories and defeats, myths and religious beliefs. Among the Kumiai groups the leader of the shimul was known as the Kwapai, generally related to the second type of leadership mentioned.

Upon the arrival of the Jesuit missionaries, a transformation of the social and political organization began among the indigenous groups of the southern peninsula. When the Jesuits began the penetration of the territory, they recognized that leaderships existed among the native groups they encountered. In an attempt to understand this phenomenon, they sought some kind of concept that would be familiar to them, the most common of which was the title of "capitanejo," (pseudo-captain) a deprecatory term which nonetheless implied a certain de facto recognition of leadership.

The missionaries sought to sedentarize the Indians and concentrate their populations in the missions in order to found the towns which would sustain Hispanic colonization. The Jesuits imposed the naming of leaders in the missions and subordinate settlements based on the function of guardians, setting aside their capacities as providers of resources. Generally they chose those who most closely approached the Christian ideal of a good servant. Some of these leaders came to wield considerable influence and authority, especially with the Franciscans, since some of the governors used them as instruments of pressure against the religious orders. There is evidence in both Jesuit and Franciscan administrations of influence of western ethnocentric perspectives in the naming of indigenous authorities in "Old California" (from Santa Maria south) and in "New California" (from San Diego north).

In contrast, in the case of the "Frontier" region (between San Fernando Velicata and El Descanso, from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of California and the Colorado River), inhabited by indigenous groups of the Yuman linguistic family (Cucapa, Kumiai, Paipai and Kiliwa), documentary evidence has not been found to indicate that the Dominicans influenced the naming of indigenous authorities within their jurisdiction. Censuses taken early in the Dominican period (1775) establish that certain Indians were "captains" of certain settlements, which seems to imply recognition of already existing leadership rather than missionary naming. In the case of one of the Dominican missions there is evidence of another type of internal authority structure, primarily in the figure of the interpreter, which would not necessarily imply at the same time a traditionally inherited indigenous leadership, since most of these came from the older Jesuit missions of the Cochimi area, such as San Francisco Borja.

After the period of Dominican Mission influence in the Frontier region (1773-1820s), there began to appear a series of self sufficient (albeit economically precarious) family ranches, primarily engaged in livestock grazing, with a rudimentary culture linked to survival in a zone which by western standards was considered ecologically hostile. This area was increasingly influenced by the American West, an influence which would increase even more after 1848, to the degree that the Frontier would look north for almost all of its socioeconomic needs.

During the ranch period (1830s through the beginning of the 1900s), more evidence is found concerning indigenous leadership, which in general seemed to have undergone very little mission influence, since it responded more to ancestral traditions than to western concepts. This was a male leadership, based on the capacity to protect and provide the band or shimul with resources. The bands were held together by strong family ties, which in case of inter- or intragroup confrontations did not hesitate to ally themselves with the Mexican Frontier authorities and even supported North American expeditions in search of fugitive Indians. During the beginning of the 19th century through the years of the governments of Juarez and the Liberals, everything indicates that the captainships were maintained within the indigenous tradition and according to its rules. The Mexican authorities only recognized what actually existed, as well as seeking to take advantage of internal struggles.

With the government of Juarez a more direct influence over the naming of indigenous authorities is seen, reminiscent of the Jesuits and the Franciscans. This can first be noted in the documents of recognition of the internal elections of the captainships, which little by little began to acquire greater validity among the Indians themselves, and later through the naming (designated from the center of the country) of forms of leadership completely foreign to the indigenous groups themselves, as in the famous case of the "Generals," a kind of indigenous "national" authority, assigned to a group as a whole, for example, for all the Kiliwa. This was considered permanent, lifelong and hereditary, completely contrary to indigenous tradition.

By the decade of the 1940s, a new concept of political and social organization was created through the Agrarian Reform programs, prompted by Lazaro Cardenas. With the establishment of land reform projects of Cardenas, indigenous people had to adapt themselves to this new reality in order to protect the last remaining spaces of their traditional territories, and so it was that many organized themselves as ejidos (communal land grant towns) or became part of mestizo (non-Indian or mixed heritage) ejidos. In general, this allowed them to defend their lands from other socioeconomic groups, but the system has also had its failures, most notably the facility with which non-native squatters have been able to appropriate Indian lands.

With this new form of organization no longer based on family ties, a new form of leadership was incorporated, not necessarily real, which is the comisariado or elected chief, organizer of the community's internal affairs and its representative before the federal, state and municipal government. This authority has regimented functions, generally for a period of three years, as is the case for the elected assembly of the Ejido. This form of organization, together with recent demographic evolution, has incorporated a new element that must also be taken into account: women. In some communities women have become elected chiefs, and in all they now hold positions as part of the elected councils.

Currently in the native communities of Baja California, leadership in the form of elected chief and traditional authority (elder or traditional chief) reflect the influences of Mexican mainland traditions, although the communities have sought to adapt them to meet their objectives and to work within their traditions. In the case of the traditional authority, this form of leadership probably has its roots in the pre-contact period in the form of the shaman, a spiritual leader who had direct communication with the gods and their forces. This is reinforced during the mission era through the emphasis placed by the missionaries on elders, many of whom were converts and work supervisors, and again during the ranch period when young people learned to be cowboys or ranchers from elders. In this way the tradition continued until our time when those designated as traditional authority and other elders preserve their culture, language, customs and wisdom.

It should be recognized that traditional forms of leadership can still be found, rooted in the captainships of the past. Some individuals have organized those closest to them, usually family and relatives, in an effort to protect group interests from other Indians or outsiders. Sometimes they occupy the position of elected chief, while in other cases they may work parallel or in opposition to the elected authorities. Furthermore, a new type of leadership is being created by the indigenous primary school professors, generally women, who have acquired an important understanding of relations beyond their immediate groups, with Mexican authorities and in some cases with the United States.

In general almost all the forms of leadership have maintained a strong basis in family ties, an ever present reminder of the shimul or clans of the past, so even though mixed marriages and acculturation have diluted their importance they continue to be key in inter group relations. Even in the case of female leadership, the same characteristics of authority can be seen: it is held by the person who provides the sustenance for the immediate family or multi-family group, but in this case a woman, usually an artisan.

2) BASIC GUIDELINES FOR ACCESS TO THE NATIVE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES

While each community may have specific guidelines regarding appropriate formalities for approaching them or their members, the following guidelines may be a useful orientation for organizations or individuals interested in collaborative projects or providing assistance for the communities. The first recommendation for those who are interested in working with or visiting the communities is to be very clear about your intentions in seeking access to the indigenous groups, whether the objective is to collaborate in the building of houses, schools, public buildings and other infrastructure projects; to propose economic development projects; to suggest a cultural exchange program or offer support through scholarships or language support programs; to learn about cultural traditions, to study techniques of environmental management, or carry out some other kind of study. It should be noted that there are several organizations already working in many of these areas, some more effectively than others; in any case it is always a good idea to begin by finding out what kinds of projects are already being carried out in the specific area of interest, and learn from those who already have experience working with the communities.

First Steps: Humanitarian Aid or Visits

A) Specify which community you wish to help. Generally support is scarce, for which reason we recommend supporting one community at a time, usually providing the most effective experience. Preference should be given to the communities with the most need, and within these the families with least resources, taking into special consideration children and adults.

B) Carry out an introductory visit or send a letter to the elected chief of the community, in which the purpose of the project or visit is clearly explained, including the intentions, scope, limitations, proposed dates, number of participants, and who will be benefited. This information will allow the chief to offer his opinion and suggestions, and if the proposal seems feasible, you will probably be invited to the next town meeting where you can directly explain the proposal to the assembly and ask for permission to proceed.

C) For the meeting it is recommended that the place, date and time be clearly specified; information should be left in order to communicate with the chief in case of some change of scheduling or plans (it should be pointed out that currently only La Huerta and Santa Catarina have rural telephones; the rest depend on the radio network (which is not always working) through the National Indian Institute). Usually those who have come from outside the community will be placed at the beginning of the agenda, as a courtesy, so it is important to be punctual. Written information explaining the project should be left in the community and a response should not be required immediately. Usually community members are hesitant to comment directly in the meeting and need to talk over the proposal in private. Once the visitors have finished their presentation and left, the community will be able to continue their meeting, which may be lengthy and involve internal affairs. Once you finish your participation, offer thanks to the community and retire from the assembly, you should not stay in the meeting unless you are invited to do so.

In general, meetings in the communities are held monthly or bimonthly, usually one of the last weekend days of the month. Since the meetings require the notification of members and may be affected by climatic situations, it is a good idea to try to obtain up to date information upon initiating your project from the appropriate public or private agencies.

VISIT / PROJECT BEGINS

A) It is recommended that between the time that permission is granted and the project begins, reminders may be sent to the community of when the project is to be carried out. Furthermore, it is necessary to point out that in some communities, due to internal divisions only part of the community members may receive information of the visit, resulting in benefits only to one segment of the community. For this reason, it is important to be sure that the information of the time, hour and purpose of the visit should reach the largest number of people possible.
B) If the donation for the community is food, it is important to have previously requested a basic census of families from the chief, and organize the donation in packages for each family. As each family receives their package, they may be asked by a tribal or school official to sign for it. While this process may sound overly complicated, it has been developed by the communities as a way of ensuring equal distribution. It is also recommended that a list of preferred food items should be obtained from the tribal authorities, and that the list should be respected, rather than substituting foods of one's own preference.

C) In the case of used clothing, it should be organized by age and sex (women's/men's/girls'/boys'); be sure to distribute it in a way that doesn't cause friction; and preferably try to make sure that it is practical clothing for people living in rural communities.

D) For student scholarships, the professor or school director of the community should be contacted so that they can provide the number, names, and ages of the students and suggest who would be the most appropriate candidates or how the funds should be distributed, in case the amount is limited. Scholarships for secondary school and high school are badly needed, since none of the communities has these services within their community, and students are therefore obligated to travel to nearby towns such as Guadalupe Valley, Ojos Negros, Trinidad Valley, Tecate or Ensenada. (Editor's note: currently (2002), the CUNA Institute has established and maintains a scholarship program for native students).

RESEARCH PROJECTS

Each discipline of the social sciences (Anthropology, Ethnography, Sociology) or audiovisual media has its own special methodological recommendations and ethical considerations to be followed in any research project, of which any responsible researcher should be thoroughly aware. In the case of projects with indigenous communities, specific considerations should also be pointed out. Ethical field work methodology includes having the permission of tribal cultural consultants (and when appropriate of the community itself) before undertaking research and ensuring that all involved understand the eventual uses of the material to be gathered and /or published; giving credit to all informants and/or granting anonymity when requested; and never publishing photographs, videos, sound recordings or other cultural resources without permission of the subjects.

Some researchers have carried out interviews and field research for decades without any direct benefit to individuals or communities. Community members cannot know their own history and culture better because of these studies if none of the information was returned to them. Researchers should always be sure to leave copies of their work with those members of the community who participated in the research, as well as with the appropriate tribal political, cultural and educational authorities. It is also the researcher's responsibility to review the existing literature before undertaking field work, to avoid needless repetition. Teachers interested in taking students of any age to communities for purposes of carrying out field work are responsible for ensuring that students understand and follow principals of ethical field work.

Many people have taken photographs and videos of the communities without giving anything back to them, such as copies of the photos or videos, so that they might have a record of their own history. It is recommended that something be given in exchange for research information, be it economic compensation for interviews, giving books or other products of research to the schools, or providing skills or services useful to tribal consultants.

(Translated by Michael Wilken-Robertson)

Mario A. Magaña-Mancillas is a researcher at the Institute of Historical Research of the Autonomous University of Baja California and volunteer press director of the Medical Aid Network, a program of the CUNA Institute.

Javier Ceseña is a member of the Kumiai community of San Antonio Necua, videographer and co-coordinator of the Medical Aid Network.

This work is a sythesis based on a long series of studies in different disciplines and in historic docunments of the 18th an 19th centuries. These documents are found in: El Archivo General de la Nación; la Bancroft Library; la Huntington Library, y la Colección Latinoamericana Natiee Lee Benson de la Universidad de Texas en Austin. Of the studies see: Don Laylander, Sources and strategies for the prehistory of Baja California, Tesis de maestría, San Diego State University, 1987, pp. 352-372 y 502-508; Don Laylander, "Organización Comunitaria de los yumanos occidentales: Una revisión etnográfica y prospecto arqueológico", en Estudios Fronterizos, núm. 24-25, enero-abril/mayo-agosto de 1991, pp. 31-60; Arnulfo Estrada Ramírez, "Autoridad Indígenas de la Frontera de Baja California en el siglo XIX", en Michael Wilken Robertson [editor], Baja California Indígena. Memorias del Simposium, Ensenada, Instituto de Culturas Nativas de Baja California, A.C., 1995, pp. 87-92. Also consulted were documents from the mission era such as: Luis Sales, Noticias de la provincia de California, 1794, Madrid, Ediciones José Porrúa Turanzas, 1960; José Matías Moreno, Descripción del Partido Norte de la Baja California, por… 1861, Fuentes Documentales para la Historia de Baja California, núm. 2, diciembre de 1984, y Manuel Clemente Rojo, Apuntes históricos de la Baja California por… 1879, Fuentes Documentales para la Historia de Baja California, núm. 5, diciembre de 1987.